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As part of the project, the Department of Information Resources identified 560 state agency positions that were responsible for the work undertaken by IBM. IBM faced a skills gap because 41 percent of those positions were vacant and only 52 percent of the employees that were most skilled and knowledgeable in their respective tasks jumped to IBM, the auditor determined. ...
IBM and its partners were required to offer jobs to all the employees, who were offered pay raises of up to 10 percent. But the employees were not required to take the private sector jobs, which would have affected their retirement and other benefits. "The employees have to make the right decision for their lives," Coffer said.
Spokesperson John Buscemi declined to provide details about the laid-off workers. "IBM continually evaluates its skills and needs and balances them against the needs of our customers," he says. "And so a resource action" - IBM's corporate term for layoffs - "was part of that."
The Albany Times Union and Poughkeepsie Journal have both reported that the Paterson government is mulling tens of millions of dollars in grants to help IBM expand its East Fishkill chip plant and develop a new generation of microprocessors there.
In return, Paterson wants IBM to promise it won't lay off workers in New York state, according to the Times Union.
Now, IBM is a for-profit, publicly held corporation whose job is to make as much money as it can for its shareholders. So you can't blame company executives for trying to get what they can get out of Albany. But why is Paterson, who presides over a state that is beyond broke, willing to give away taxpayer dollars (including some of mine), just to keep Big Blue around?
If IBM doesn't see the value in expanding operations in one of the country's most important states, one that is home to the world's financial center and top engineering schools like RPI, without having to be bribed to do so, then something is clearly wrong.
It's not that the growth of the last generation wasn't real; it was. The U.S. economy doubled in size between 1980 and last year. It's not that all of the benefits of the just-past era went to those at the top (although a very substantial chunk did); millions upon millions of Americans prospered right along with the super-rich.
But the prosperity we enjoyed was purchased at a price of diminished security for our families and ourselves. Even as our incomes went up, economic risks -- the costs of being laid off, of suffering a work-stopping illness or of a catastrophe like a house fire -- that were once largely borne on the broad shoulders of business and government were being shifted onto the backs of ordinary families, from the working poor to the reasonably rich. ...
The changes that have made Americans more vulnerable have occurred in the struts that hold up working families and that have held them up for generations. Jobs, benefits, housing, health coverage, college and retirement savings, even bought-and-paid-for insurance all played crucial roles in maintaining families' economic stability during the second half of the 20th century. But the protective value of each has been weakened over the last generation. ...
ERISA's congressional authors intended the law to protect employee benefits. We know this because they said so right in the law's preamble. But over the last generation, the Supreme Court and increasingly conservative federal appeals courts have rendered a series of decisions involving ERISA that have made it easier for employers and their agents to deny benefits to workers and their families.
Diane Andrews-Clarke learned exactly what these decisions meant when her husband (and father of the couple's three daughters), Richard Clarke, began drinking heavily. Under Andrews-Clarke's employer-provided family health insurance policy, and under Massachusetts law, anyone covered by the policy who needed alcohol treatment was due 30 days of inpatient care paid for by insurance.
However, when Andrews-Clarke tried to collect, the insurer refused to cover more than a handful of days. When she tried a second time, the insurer refused again. Richard Clarke eventually died, and Andrews-Clarke sued. But because the Supreme Court and appeals courts have limited employees' rights under employer-provided health policies such as hers to essentially getting the benefits that were originally denied, and because Clarke, being dead, wasn't available to receive any benefits, Andrews-Clarke got nothing.
"People who try to claim their employer-sponsored benefits are worse off than they were two or three decades ago," said Judge William Acker Jr., who was appointed by President Reagan to the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Alabama in Birmingham and who has written extensively about ERISA. "The law that was supposed to protect them has been turned on its head." ...
...working Americans and their families are operating on an economic high wire -- only one or two missteps from a steep financial fall. Little wonder people are so bleak about their prospects now that times are tough.
Let us also recognize that this is a win for West Virginia. On a human level, the result of this vote means that we have finally corrected an injustice to the thousands of employees who were placed in a flawed retirement plan, one doomed to fail from the start. For these employees, retirement is now no longer a pipe dream; rather, it is a viable option.
What happens later? The bad news is that a short way down the road, 52% of this talent drops out. We are finding that attrition rates among women spike between 35 and 40 -- what we call the fight-or-flight moment. Women vote with their feet; they get out of these sectors. Not only are they leaving technology and science companies, many are leaving the field altogether.
Your best employees might bolt after a round of cuts. The top performers who survive a layoff won’t necessarily feel obligated to soldier on. A 2000 study by Roderick Iverson and Jacqueline Pullman from the University of Melbourne, and a 2003 study by Sarah Moore, Leon Grunberg, and Edward Greenberg from the University of Colorado at Boulder, both confirmed that employees were far more likely to quit jobs in environments of repeated downsizing. The likelihood that an employee will quit actually increases the more layoffs he or she “survives,” the CU-Boulder study found. ...
Researcher and author Cascio compared cost-cutting strategies with several companies’ performance on the S&P 500 during an 18-year period. His findings showed that the most successful companies didn’t rely on layoffs to improve performance. “Over time, the only firms that really outperformed their industries were those that found ways to grow revenues,” Cascio says. “You can’t just shrink your way into prosperity.” ...
Employee retention is linked with customer retention. Negative public perception of a layoff can be another unexpected cost. “If you’re buying from a company that treats its people badly, you’re going to try and buy from someone else, even if it’s not overt,” Phillips says. “This is the only reason Whole Foods survives — because people want to do what’s right — and so they buy more expensive food that doesn’t taste as good from Whole Foods.” Convincing customers that layoffs are absolutely necessary is probably impossible, since most companies that lay off employees aren’t actually in dire straits. “In any given year, we tend to think the firms that do downsizing are in rather desperate situations and are battling to survive,” says Cascio. “The data just doesn’t confirm that.”
Baker was one of the few voices warning of the dangers of the housing bubble--but, back then, the traditional media had no interest in sounding like a downer in the go-go enthusiasm for the torrent of cash unleashed by over-inflated home values, and few political leaders wanted to "talk down" the housing value "boom" because, in some respects, it gave cover to the grim reality that no one was seriously dealing with the assault on peoples' wages and standard of living by corporate America. And bankers like Robert Rubin, who inexplicably still maintains his perch as economic statesman in the Democratic Party, were happy to inflate the bubble because their financial institutions were, in theory, building huge holdings (well, we know how that turned out). ...
Now, some scolds will wag their fingers at people who did not save more money. But, the fact is the lack of substantial wage growth, the rising cost of health care, the rising cost of caring for elderly parents, the rising cost of school tuition, the rising cost of food and other necessities, and the lack of real pensions (more on that in a moment) made it impossible for most people not in the upper income brackets to save. (note to ABC's Charles Gibson: we are not talking about people making $250,000 a year) ...
Which leads to an important point. As the authors point out, in some respect their study understates the crisis facing most people. If we had a real pension system in the country, things would not be so scary. By real, I do not mean a 401(k), which is a phony pension. By real, I mean a defined benefit pension system that provides security for the vast majority of people who do not gamble in the stock market: a pension that you can count on delivering a secure amount of money to you each month.
Thanks to the screw-you-once-we've-used-you-up philosophy in corporate executive suites, since 1978, the number of defined-benefit plans plummeted from 128,041 plans covering some 41 percent of private-sector workers to only 26,000 today, according to the independent Employee Benefit Research Institute. The Bureau of Labor Statistics estimates that only 21 percent of workers in the private sector have defined-benefit pensions. In 2005, only 55 percent of full-time and part-time private sector workers worked at firms that sponsored a retirement plan. Of those, only 45 percent participated in an employer-sponsored plan. This compares with a 60 percent employer sponsorship rate and 50 percent employee participation rate in 2000.
And, by the way, the pension crisis you often read out about is not the fault of average working Joes and Janes. As I pointed out sometime ago, General Motors, General Electric, Bell South, Exxon, IBM, Bank of America, Pfizer and many big corporations have pension funding problems because of executive pensions, not rank-and-file workers' pensions.
Mutual funds do, and that gives them higher expenses than pension funds - depending on how you count, between 0.03 and 0.3 percentage points a year, or up to an extra $3 on every $1,000 you invest. ...
A new study led by Rik Frehen, a Dutch finance scholar, looks at the stock-investing records of pension and mutual funds in the U.S. - and the findings are fascinating and alarming. Comparing the returns of 700 pension funds against those of 4,000 mutual funds between 1992 and 2004, Frehen found that both categories had underperformed the broader market but that pension funds had killed mutual funds. ...
Now we're no longer talking about three dollars. Over the period that Frehen and his colleagues studied, $10,000 in a mutual fund would have returned just under 9% a year, giving you $30,000. But the same amount invested in a pension fund would have grown to $36,000, or 20% more. If the stock market returns an average of 6% annually after inflation, you'll give up more than a quarter of your gain by being in a mutual fund - and that's before you pay your annual expenses. ...
What accounts for this huge gap? Much of it lies in how mutual fund managers are compensated and judged. Managers get paid on the size of the portfolios they run and on the basis of quarterly and annual performance - pressure that pension fund managers don't generally face. That incentive scheme can lead to behavior that hurts you. To goose short-term results and make a mutual fund appear to own the "right" companies when it reports holdings to investors, managers trade stocks too frequently. Trading doesn't cost the manager anything, and it's not reported as an expense to the fund, but the resulting brokerage costs erode your return by up to 1% a year.
“We’re the only nation in the world,” Mr. Gramm once said, “where all our poor people are fat.”
During one of the many Republican assaults on Social Security, the issue of cutting back benefits for the elderly came up in the Senate. “They are 80-year-olds,” howled Mr. Gramm. “Most people don’t have the luxury of living to be 80 years old, so it’s hard for me to feel sorry for them.” ...
In the real world, somewhere outside of Phil Gramm’s field of vision, increasing numbers of Americans are working two and three jobs to make ends meet; struggling families are worried sick in July about what it will cost to heat their homes in January; food costs and home foreclosures are soaring; the job market has tanked; and the stock markets are running with the bears.
In that kind of atmosphere, it’s beyond obscene to have to listen to some platinum-card-carrying fat cat tell us, in a tone dripping with condescension: “You’ve heard of mental depression; this is a mental recession.” ...
The biggest failing of both parties in this presidential campaign has been the unwillingness to be forthright with the public about the true extent of the crises facing the country. The federal government and ordinary Americans are up to their eyeballs in debt. Much of the financial sector is in deep trouble, with previously blue-chip companies wobbling along on legs as rubbery as a bad check.
Perpetual war in Iraq and oil prices spiking toward the moon are adding to a sense of national paralysis. Where is the money to invest in ventures that will create good new jobs, that will chart new directions in energy self-sufficiency, that will revitalize the public schools, rebuild the nation’s infrastructure, put New Orleans back on its feet? ...
We should be getting chapter and verse about how badly the war in Iraq is hurting us here at home. We should be seeing charts and graphs explaining how ordinary Americans, now the hardest-working people on the planet, have been cheated out of their share of the extraordinary productivity improvements they’ve racked up over the years.
There should be a sense of urgency coming from the Democrats in this campaign, a clarion call compelling enough to rally the legions who have been treated unfairly and badly hurt in the nation’s other undeclared war: the class war.
McCain's Democratic rival, Barack Obama, says the plan would "shred" the employer-based system that provides health insurance to about 158 million workers. Most health analysts won't go that far, but both liberals and conservatives say McCain's approach would strengthen the individual and small-group insurance market. And by strengthening that market, it will pull in workers now covered through their jobs.
The workers most inclined to make that transition will be younger, healthier ones who most likely will be able to buy a policy on the individual market for less than their tax credit, said Paul Fronstin, a senior research associate at the Employee Benefit Research Institute, which studies employee benefits. To the degree that happens, the employer-based market will become less healthy as sicker, older workers stay with their employer-based coverage while more of the healthier workers move to the individual market.
The heart attack left Mr. Benamor with a $17,000 hospital bill, $400 in monthly prescription costs and a desperate need for insurance. After being rejected by a number of commercial carriers, he turned to the Maryland Health Insurance Plan, one of 35 state programs for high-risk applicants whom no private company is willing to insure. He decided that the annual premium — $4,572 for a plan with heavy deductibles — was more than he could handle on an income of about $35,000. Yet his earnings were too high for him to qualify for state subsidies. ...
Though high-risk pools have existed for three decades, they cover only 207,000 people in a country with 47 million uninsured, according to the National Association of State Comprehensive Health Insurance Plans. Premiums typically are high, as much as twice the standard rate in some states, but are still not nearly enough to pay claims. That has left states to cover about 40 percent of the cost, usually through assessments on insurance premiums that are often passed on to consumers.
Health economists say it could take untold billions to transform the patchwork of programs into a viable federal safety net. The McCain campaign has made only a rough calculation of how many billions would be needed and has not identified a source for the financing beyond savings from existing programs. Finding the money will only get more difficult now that Mr. McCain has pledged to balance the federal budget by 2013, which already requires a significant reduction in the growth of spending.
Because of federal preemption of state laws and rules that relate to employee benefit plans, the New Jersey measure does not apply to employers that self-fund their health care plans. (Editor's note: IBM's medical insurance plans are self-funded.)
The story really begins in 2003, when the Bush administration rammed the Medicare Modernization Act through Congress, literally in the dead of night. That bill established large de facto subsidies for Medicare Advantage plans — plans in which Medicare funds are funneled through private insurance companies, rather than directly paying for care.
Since then, enrollment in these plans has been growing rapidly. This has had a destructive effect on Medicare’s finances: the fastest-growing type of Medicare Advantage plan, private fee-for-service, costs taxpayers 17 percent more per beneficiary than Medicare without the middleman. It also threatens to undermine Medicare’s universality, turning it into a system in which insurance companies cherry-pick healthier and more affluent older Americans, leaving the sicker and poorer behind.
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